Israel claims that the decision to build the wall is an internal
security measure, taken after all other methods to defend itself
have failed. The fact that the decision was taken unilaterally
shows that this process is based only on Israeli interests without
taking the other party into consideration. The Palestinians were
not consulted about the wall or where it would be built, despite
the fact that it will create a new reality within the
Palestinian-Israeli arena, one imposed by a tremendous show of
force. The wall will become the dividing line that will delineate
Palestinian lands, imposing a new reality, without referrence to
the negotiating process. Negotiations, when they resume, will be
constrained by the new situation on the ground imposed by the
construction of the wall.
The idea of separation emerged on the Israeli political stage after
the integration called for by the Oslo accords was swept away by a
new wave of violence and retribution. Palestinian resistance
operations inside Israel uncovered weaknesses in Israeli security.
This led to an unprecedented degree of fear among civilians. The
separation plan began to appeal to the Israeli public after it
gained support from Israeli politicians in the opposition,
especially within the Labour Party. The political agenda behind
Haim Ramon's first call for separation, Binyamin Ben-Eliezer's
interpretation of the idea within the security context and Prime
Minister Ariel Sharon's addition of a political dimension, have
transformed the idea of separation into a complex process with both
contradictory and complementary objectives. But all these efforts
essentially flow towards the primary Israeli objective, completely
ignoring the other party concerned.
The Palestinian Response
Unfortunately, the Palestinian stand has once again fallen short of
providing a strong response to this dangerous and important issue.
We are talking about an idea that has gone beyond the discussion
stage at the Israeli decision-making level and is already being
implemented. The lack of an official Palestinian response is no
surprise to the Palestinians. The Palestinian political machine is
unable to function, and even if it could, it would work slowly and
then fail to meet even the lowest expectations. The Palestinians
know this, as does the Israeli military, politicians, the settlers
and the rest of the world.
The wall is an empirical demonstration of the multi-tracked idea of
unilateral separation. One track is political, the other is
concerned with security. Those advocating a political separation
want an end to the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, Gaza and
East Jerusalem, and the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian
State. According to Dan Scheuftan's book on separation, Yitzak
Rabin and Ehud Barak were the first people to call for "hard
separation". (They also wanted to leave the minimum number of
Palestinians within the State of Israel.) Scheuftan argues that the
security factor and the political capital to be made from the wall
are the determining factors which led the Israeli government to
pursue this decision, adding that the standard of living on the
Israeli side of the wall will rise as it won't have to deal with
economic repercussions on the Palestinian side.
The Physicality of the Wall
In locations where there is a large Palestinian population near
Israeli settlements, the wall will be made up of high cement
blocks, while in isolated areas it will be an electric barbed wire
fence. The wall system will be around 5km wide in unpopulated areas
and will incorporate physical barriers, surveillance systems and
police or military forces. According to a study edited by General
Shlomo Brom and Yiftah Shapir from the Jaffee Center for Strategic
Studies, the wall itself will be 30-35m wide and will include a 5m
wide tarmac road followed by a 3m wide ground wall of barbed wire,
a 5m wide road for patrol vehicles, and a dirt track for
discovering foot prints, also 5m wide. This will be followed by a
trench 2m deep by 3m wide, then another 3m of barbed wire. The wall
is currently being built inside West Bank territory, slicing away
large areas of it which will be annexed to Israel. These areas
could reach from 500m to 5km in width. Discussions are being held
with settlers to locate the wall 25 km deep in some areas to allow
settlement blocs to be included on the Israeli side of the
wall1.
The Reality of the Situation
1. The wall is a unilateral Israeli development, opposed by the
Palestinians.
2. Israel has declared it will build a wall to the east of its
borders, within the occupied Palestinian territories. This means a
de facto annexation of more Palestinian land.
3. Israel will not build the wall in order to withdraw from the
occupied Palestinian territories, but in order to remain within
them. Sharon's desire is to lessen Israeli security fears.
According to the head of the Israeli Border Patrol Forces, it is
expected to cut infiltration by 100 percent. At the same time,
Sharon wants to continue Israeli control of the West Bank through
security measures, settlement building and continuous annexation of
Palestinian land.
4. The wall will constitute a tool for ethnic separation that will
discriminate between Jewish settlers who will be free to move back
and forth through the wall as they wish and Palestinians, whether
they are residents of the West Bank or of Israel.
5. Even though the Israelis claim that it is necessary to
distinguish between building the wall for security reasons and
between establishing borders, the Palestinians and the
international community are afraid it will be transformed into a de
facto border when the time comes for final status negotiations. It
would be illogical for Israel to spend over a billion dollars on a
boundary wall that will not play a role in future border
negotiations.
6. Building the wall will create a complicated geographic and
demographic situation in Palestine, as more than 70 Palestinian
villages, such as Barta'a and Baqa Al-Sharqiyya, will find
themselves west of the divide. These villages have a combined
population of over 200,000. Israel wants to annex large tracts of
Palestinian land - but without its current residents. There are
fears that Israel will force people to leave their villages and
move to Palestinian territory east of the wall, creating a new wave
of refugees. In other cases, land will be forcibly taken from its
rightful owners if the wall is built across a village, leaving
villagers' homes on one side and their fields on the other2.
7. The wall will not encourage any return to political
negotiations. On the contrary, it will increase internal Israeli
discussions opposing a withdrawal from settlements, due to feelings
of solidarity that will surface in favour of isolated settlers who
will need to be protected by the Israeli army against "Palestinian
terrorists" who will not be able to penetrate the wall. This new
solidarity will be consolidated by the feeling that the settlers
were abandoned because the wall was built to their west. This will
create an additional obstacle for reaching a political
agreement.
8. The separating wall will reduce friction between the two sides
to the lowest level possible, thus reducing the number of
casualties on both sides. However, this could also be achieved by
an Israeli withdrawal from Palestinian occupied territories rather
than by building a large prison in which the Palestinians have no
freedom of movement whatsoever. The decision to impose a unilateral
separation and the method in which it is being implemented will
increase the current state of tension and force the Palestinians to
retaliate.
The Palestinian Economy: From Siege to the Wall
The Palestinian economy, which developed partially on the margins
of the Israeli economy, did not carry within its structure any
serious preparation for future separation. It was constructed to be
completely dependent on the Israeli economy, which saved
Palestinians the effort of searching for new markets. The Oslo
agreement was built on the basis of cooperation between both sides;
thus a number of joint working committees were formed to develop
economic cooperation and coordination. However, the Paris Economic
Agreement increased the Palestinians' dependency on Israel.
The Israeli closures of the Palestinian territories, which began in
1993, prevented a normal exchange of goods between the two sides
and stopped Palestinian goods from reaching Israeli markets, which
had previously been worth a quarter of a billion dollars annually.
Most Palestinian laborers did unskilled work in Israel and so were
easy to replace with foreign workers following the Aqsa
Intifada.
Other difficulties facing the Palestinian economy have been the
preference for foreign goods in Arab markets, and Jordan's decision
to prevent Palestinian goods crossing its borders to protect its
own producers. To break into Arab markets, Palestinian goods would
have had to compete with similar Arab products and develop a
presence within these markets by marketing Palestinians'
manufacturing skills. However, the absence of Palestinian airports,
ports or freight transport facilities meant such a campaign was
impossible.
As for the economic repercussions of the wall, one can foresee the
following:
* The wall will tighten the closure on the Palestinian economy to
the point of total strangulation.
* Palestinian economic dependency on Israel is irreplaceable in the
short term.
* No alternatives will be created on the ground for up to ten years
after the wall is constructed.
* The wall will put an end to economic viability for the future
Palestinian entity.
* Because of overriding security considerations no Israeli
officials will be concerned with Palestinian economic
concerns.
* Palestinians will be unable to establish a legal or even illegal
economic status within their besieged entity.
* The wall will allow the Israeli government to ignore the economic
realities and needs of the Palestinians.
Required Palestinian Action
The Palestinian Authority should take emergency measures to
counteract Israel's decision to establish a separating wall. Some
official statements have been published, but those who have
followed PA reaction towards the separating wall have come to the
conclusion that the authority has neglected the issue and has not
devoted enough attention to it. Alternatively, the PA has
considered it extremely difficult to alter Israel's decision and
thus has chosen to make the minimum effort in response to
expropriation of Palestinian land. Palestinian citizens have been
left defenceless in the face of Israeli brutality, without even
minimal expressions of official or legal objections to the process
of building the wall.
Taking the necessary reform process within the authority as a point
of departure, the President should declare the formation of an
official ad hoc committee carrying explicit responsibility for
working on a number of points.
Firstly, it should try to persuade the Israeli side to halt the
project, while at the same time, compiling exact information on the
building process. This data should include the dangers and losses
that Palestinians are likely to face as a result of land
expropriation, loss of livelihood, etc. This information should be
presented to the international community and especially to the EU
and the UN to familiarize them with the consequences of the Israeli
plan. The PA should consider filing a case with the International
Court of Justice to resolve the issues of war crimes and crimes
against humanity. It should also look at filing similar suits in a
number of European countries where the legal system allows. Efforts
should be directed at informing the Israeli public in general and
academic and political groups in particular, in order to alter
Israeli public opinion. Similarly, an international campaign should
be carried out, concentrating on the issues of racial
discrimination and separation that lie behind the decision to build
the wall.
Despite the wide Israeli public and political support the
separation plan has received, the building process has not yet been
completed. There is still enough time to reverse public opinion,
especially by dealing directly with the fear motivating the
Israelis and discussing methods to alleviate this so they can see
the full consequences of building the wall. These methods are not
guaranteed to be successful, however in the current climate any
attempt that has even minor success would be important. On a
general level, public action should be taken in parallel to
official action. Palestinians directly affected by the wall should
work together to protest, complementing other actions taken by
civil society organizations. Communication channels should also be
opened for Israeli and Palestinian youths from civil society
institutions to take part in joint protests. This united work-plan
would form the basis of a strong network and could be used to
tackle other issues as they arise.
1 As mentioned in Ha'aretz newspaper.
2 Such a situation occurred in the Falma area in Jayyous and in a
number of villages on the frontiers that possess fertile lands or
important aquifers.